Unknown to Judge Smithwick, corroboration of Kevin Fulton’s testimony at the Dublin based tribunal, came from the man who had handled him at the time of the Omagh bomb, Alan Mains.
Approaching 18 years on from the dreadful bombing, the families of Omagh are still denied truth and justice. Despite relentless campaigning and a landmark civil case, those responsible have still not been made to pay for their vile acts on that day.
Approximately one year ago, I named Omagh bomber Colm Murphy as a state agent. I have been told that rather than being a ‘tout’, Murphy was more of a ‘hired gun’ for MI5.
Mr Murphy is also the owner of a ‘palm print’ recovered from the Kingsmill massacre, and yet neither the HET nor the PSNI’s legacy branch have yet arrested the Co Louth republican.
Also on Murphy’s terrorist CV is involvement in the murders of RUC officers Harry Breen and Bob Buchanan in Dundalk, 1989. Murphy was the gunman that inexplicably opened fire on the officers, despite the PIRA operation being designed to kidnap and interrogate the RUC officers.
When asked during the Smithwick tribunal why the PIRA opened fire, if the plan was to kidnap and interrogate the officers, the IRA representatives- one of whom was IRA killer Sean ‘the Surgeon’ Hughes- became flustered and asked for a recess. They were unable to provide any satisfactory answer to that question.
It is now known that Murphy was ordered to open fire by his MI5 handlers in order to protect another agent at the heart of the Loughall ambush, as well as the British security force’s “jewel in the crown”- Freddie Scappaticci.
During the Dublin based tribunal two individuals give similar accounts- which couldn’t be verified-, all focusing on Owen Corrigan, who was- incidentally- actually passing low level information to the PIRA. On the day of the murders, however, Corrigan was not the informant that set up the two RUC officers.
Alan Mains- a CID officer that moonlighted for MI5- and Kevin Fulton, corroborated each others stories.
It can now be revealed here for the first time; Judge Smithwick was unaware that far from being unconnected witnesses, Alan Mains had handled Fulton on behalf of CID from 1996 until 2000.
Alan Mains had been jointly handling Kevin Fulton at the time of his role in a high profile fraud case. Luigi Marotta, 64, was sentenced to five years in jail in 2000 for conspiracy to defraud the Londonderry-based St Brendan’s Liqueur Company.
Mr Marotta’s conviction was later overturned in 2013 amidst allegations that Kevin Fulton had been used to entrap the Italian businessman. This case, according to a former RUC detective, is one of the reasons Mains took early retirement in 2007.
Following the Omagh bomb Kevin Fulton claimed- correctly- that he had passed intelligence, that could have possibly prevented the bomb, to his CID handlers. At this time Fulton was being handled by Alan Mains, as well as being in contact with MI5. As previously revealed, Alan Mains was also an MI5 link man and asset from the 1980’s.
After Fulton had publicly revealed he had passed on this information, he was branded a “Walter Mitty” by then RUC Chief Constable, Sir Ronnie Flanagan.
One retired former senior cop described Flanagan’s intervention as a “blatant attempt” to cover the back of Alan Mains. Flanagan and Mains remain close friends.
MI5 had three assets close to the Omagh bombing team. One was Colm Murphy who was working strictly for MI5, the second is widely known to be Dave Rupert who also worked jointly with the FBI and finally MI5 remained in sporadic contact with Kevin Fulton- despite the fact he was being primarily used by Alan Mains and CID on smuggling and fraud cases.
The information provided by Fulton to his CID handler, Alan Mains, fingered prominent republican Mooch Blair and claimed Blair was mixing explosives in the days prior to the attack.
MI5 had instructed Colm Murphy to provide mobile telephones to the bombing team in order that they could track their movements.
It is understood that MI5 were attempting to track the bomb with a GPRS signal from one of the mobile phones. It is claimed that the car being monitored was not, in itself, bugged, but rather the intelligence services were tracking the mobile telephone being carried inside it.
It is claimed, by another source close to the Omagh investigation- who alleges that the investigation was hampered- that MI5 had planned to let a bomb get through in order to protect ‘assets’ and discredit the RIRA, but did not intend Omagh to be the target, or for the bomb to actually go off.
This retired RUC officer claims MI5 ‘cocked up’ and then attempted to shift the blame onto the RUC for a failure to properly disseminate intelligence. The officer said;
“MI5 cocked up, they wanted to let the bomb through initially and then intercept it in an area where it would have caused big damage had it went off, but there was an intelligence gap and it ended up going off in Omagh with tragic consequences.
” The bit about them not wanting the bomb to go off is my interpretation of it, because I just could not fathom or comprehend the awful alternative; that MI5 always planned to allow the bomb to go off.
” I remind myself of the mobile telephones. If MI5 had of just wanted the bombing to proceed unhampered, then why would they have risked Colm Murphy being exposed by providing the mobile phones that they could track?”
The senior officer, who once worked on a high level policing and security joint intelligence task force, further gave some insight into the involvement of Kevin Fulton.
” Ronnie (Flanagan) was furious when Fulton, assisted by Mains I suspect, tried to blame the RUC. He done this on behalf of MI5, of that there is no doubt. It was a diversion.”
He continued “Ronnie (Flanagan) hit the roof with Mains, but Mains put all the blame onto Fulton and Ronnie went out in the media and called Fulton a ‘Walter Mitty’ to try and cover Mainsey’s back. He had to backtrack shortly afterwards.”
It is also claimed that there was security ‘tension’ between MI5 and the Garda following the charging of Colm Murphy for a role in the attack.
In February 2016 the British Government made an application for a landmark closed hearing- on grounds of National Security- as part of a judicial review application by Michael Gallagher, the father of one of the victims of the Omagh bombing.
The identity of one British intelligence asset involved in the Omagh bombing, Dave Rupert, is already known. He was a FBI/MI5 agent who had infiltrated the RIRA.
It is also known that the Garda had an informant within the ranks of the RIRA, Paddy Dixon.
It is also accepted that Kevin Fulton, whilst not being involved in the bombing team, was providing terrorist related intelligence to his CID handler and remained in contact with MI5. There are questions, and criticisms, over how the terrorist related intelligence being provided to CID was disseminated.
It is the third British intelligence informer within the RIRA that the closed hearing is designed to protect. This man is ‘palm print’ killer and life long terrorist Colm Murphy, a Co Louth republican working for MI5 from 1986.
Kevin Fulton remains a MI5 asset. He has secretly recorded compromising conversations with former CID and Customs officers in his flat in London.
The former senior RUC man says of him;
“When MI5 need misinformation spread, when they need a counter narrative, they always have Kevin Fulton and (Alan) Mains, just like in the Smithwick tribunal, is there to corroborate it.
” Fulton has also been known to disseminate dodgy files to politicians, sending them on a false trail. These are MI5 inspired lies designed to build a smokescreen around the truth.
“Kingsmill, Omagh, Smithwick. Who provided the false flags and why? Colm Murphy was involved in all three, and there lies the key to the dirtiest and filthiest secret.”
Colm Murphy remains at large, operating a public house in Dundalk. He has yet to be arrested on the basis of his palm print.
The families of Omagh are, to this very day, starved of truth, and justice. As is so often the case with the so called peace ‘process’- the victims are sacrificed for the warped definition of the ‘greater good’.